By Salis Muhammad Moriki
As Zamfara State marks 30 years of existence, it is appropriate to pause and reflect on the journey so far — where we started, what we have achieved, where we failed, and the lessons that three decades of political leadership have taught us.
The history of Zamfara is not merely the history of successive governors. It is the story of a people who fought for political autonomy, a state that was created with enormous expectations, and generations of citizens who have experienced different forms of leadership, development, political rivalry, social welfare, economic hardship and, most painfully, insecurity.
Therefore, any honest assessment of Zamfara at 30 must contain the good, the bad and, unfortunately, the ugly.
REMEMBERING THE FOUNDING FATHERS OF ZAMFARA STATE
I must begin by recognising the members of the committee that worked tirelessly for the actualisation of Zamfara State under the chairmanship of one of the most honest men Nigeria has ever produced, the late Mallam Yahaya Gusau.
Their struggle was not simply about creating another administrative unit. It was about giving the people of Zamfara the opportunity to govern themselves, manage their affairs and bring government closer to their communities. To those among them who have passed away, may Allah grant them Jannatul Firdausi. To those still alive, I wish them long life, good health and Allah's continued blessings.
On 1 October 1996, Zamfara State was created out of the former Sokoto State by the military administration of General Sani Abacha, with Gusau as the capital. The creation fulfilled a longstanding aspiration among Zamfara people for greater political autonomy. The Zamfara State Government itself describes the struggle for autonomy as a long-standing aspiration that culminated in the state's creation in 1996.
When the announcement came, Zamfara went into jubilation.
Although I was young and full of youthful exuberance at the time, I understood that the creation of a state carried enormous advantages. Those working under the old Sokoto State Government and Zamfara indigenes scattered across the federation understood exactly what it meant.
In the Nigerian political system, development is often closely connected to political power. Having a government of one's own means greater opportunities for political representation, institutions, appointments, infrastructure and control over public resources. Being independent and free to manage our own affairs was therefore something enormously important. For Zamfara, state creation was not merely a change on the map. It was the beginning of a new political identity.
COLONEL JIBRIL BALA YAKUBU (1996–1999): THE FOUNDATIONAL ADMINISTRATION
When Colonel Jibril Bala Yakubu assumed office as the first Military Administrator of the newly created Zamfara State in October 1996, he inherited a state that was virtually starting from scratch. Available historical records place his tenure from 7 October 1996 until the return to democratic rule on 29 May 1999.
The financial resources available to the new administration were limited, while the institutional infrastructure required to operate a state government was largely nonexistent. Yet Colonel Jibril Bala Yakubu approached the assignment with determination. His administration's greatest contribution was laying the foundation for the machinery of government.
Ministries, departments and agencies had to be created. Government offices had to be established. Administrative structures had to be put in place. Zamfara had to begin functioning as a state. There was understandably little opportunity for massive physical development during this foundational period.
The priority was to establish the basic structures of government and separate Zamfara's administration from the old Sokoto structure. This was also a period when patriotic citizens played an important role. Some indigenes donated buildings and other resources, while others made their properties available to the new government at considerably reduced rents. That spirit of sacrifice deserves to be remembered.
Colonel Jibril Bala Yakubu was not an indigene of Zamfara, yet he presided over the birth of the state and helped establish the foundations upon which subsequent administrations built. His contribution should therefore be assessed within the difficult circumstances under which he governed a brand-new state.
AHMAD SANI YARIMA (1999–2007): DEMOCRACY, SHARIA AND THE RISE OF MASS POLITICS
Nigeria's return to democratic rule in 1999 ushered in a new political era for Zamfara. Ahmad Sani Yarima became the state's first elected civilian governor on 29 May 1999 and served two four-year terms until 29 May 2007. His arrival marked the beginning of the most consequential political period in the state's early history.
THE SHARIA REVOLUTION
The Yarima years will forever be associated with one major development: the introduction of Sharia law. Zamfara became the first Nigerian state to formally introduce the Sharia legal system under a civilian governor. The Zamfara State Government itself identifies Yarima's administration with the introduction of Sharia. Before Sharia was introduced, Zamfara was relatively unknown outside the immediate region.
The policy changed that dramatically. Suddenly, Zamfara became the subject of national and international discussion. Supporters saw the policy as the fulfilment of a longstanding religious aspiration. Critics, however, questioned aspects of its implementation and its implications within Nigeria's constitutional framework. Whatever one's interpretation, the political impact was enormous.
Yarima's personal profile also grew considerably. His supporters saw him as a courageous governor who was willing to defend a policy he believed in despite enormous pressure. His critics regarded his approach as confrontational. Either way, Sharia became inseparable from the political history of Zamfara.
THE GOVERNOR OF THE COMMON MAN
Yarima's administration also developed a strong reputation for direct social intervention. His government placed significant emphasis on providing immediate economic assistance to ordinary citizens. This was the era in which the concept popularly described as "stomach infrastructure" became strongly associated with Zamfara politics. Citizens received different forms of financial assistance, loans and welfare support through government institutions. Many people benefited.
Critics, however, argued that the heavy emphasis on immediate welfare came at the expense of long-term physical infrastructure and sustainable economic development. That remains one of the central debates surrounding the Yarima years.
EDUCATION UNDER YARIMA
One area where the administration deserves considerable recognition was education. The government introduced measures designed to encourage Zamfara youths to pursue education, including scholarships and financial assistance for students in tertiary institutions.
I personally remember that in 1999, when admission was released in my institution, there were very few Zamfara indigenes in my department and some other departments. The school authority subsequently sent a delegation to the state government to inform it that Zamfara's admission quota was not being adequately utilised. The government responded by encouraging more Zamfara indigenes to seek admission. Before we graduated, the situation had changed dramatically. Admission became increasingly competitive among Zamfara students.
Whatever other factors may have contributed, the government's aggressive educational mobilisation clearly formed part of the environment that encouraged more young Zamfarans to pursue higher education. Agriculture was also given attention, with farmers receiving loans and other forms of support.
THE OTHER SIDE OF YARIMA
However, the Yarima administration was not without serious criticism. His eight years were characterised by highly centralised political leadership. He was widely perceived as the dominant political authority in the state. Many prominent citizens and political figures were seen as having limited influence over government decisions except through personal lobbying.
Yarima's confrontational relationship with some of his political opponents also created deep divisions. His decision to introduce Sharia placed him under enormous pressure from different quarters. Yet he refused to reverse the policy. Supporters interpreted this as political courage and conviction. Critics interpreted it as excessive rigidity. The debate continues to define his political legacy.
By the end of his tenure, critics also accused his administration of excessive spending on welfare and insufficient investment in physical infrastructure. Nevertheless, Yarima left office with an enormous political following. He remained one of the most popular and influential political figures Zamfara had produced.
MAHMUD ALIYU SHINKAFI (2007–2011): DEVELOPMENT, POLITICAL CRISIS AND WEAK CONTROL
Mahmud Aliyu Shinkafi succeeded Yarima on 29 May 2007 and served until 29 May 2011. Many expected him to continue the political and social-welfare model of his predecessor. Instead, his administration adopted a noticeably different development philosophy. Where Yarima concentrated heavily on direct social welfare, Shinkafi placed greater emphasis on physical infrastructure and economic development.
His administration sought to move Zamfara from a predominantly subsistence economy towards a broader economic base. Solid mineral development received attention. Major projects were conceived, including an international cargo airport, an investment house and government infrastructure. Several schools and public institutions were also renovated. Some projects were completed, others remained unfinished, while some were eventually abandoned. The proposed cargo airport became one of the major symbols of the administration's ambitions — and later of the difficulties surrounding large capital projects.
THE POLITICAL CRISIS
Shinkafi's greatest challenge, however, was arguably political. His relationship with his predecessor deteriorated. The disagreement eventually contributed to Shinkafi leaving ANPP for PDP. Political observers at the time argued that the governor did not exercise the same level of control over the state's political machinery that Yarima had enjoyed.
There were persistent allegations that influential individuals around the government exercised excessive political power. Names such as then Chief of Staff Musa Zubairu Nasarawa Mai-Layi and the late party chairman, Alhaji Ibrahim Mallaha, featured prominently in those political narratives. Critics even described some of these figures as de facto centres of power. There were also accusations that some government officials and politicians took advantage of the political environment to enrich themselves.
The period was characterised by intense political competition. Traditional institutions and civil servants were also increasingly drawn into partisan politics, according to critics of the administration. This created a political environment in which political loyalty sometimes appeared to compete with education and productive enterprise for the attention of young people.
After only one term, Shinkafi faced his former political mentor, Ahmad Sani Yarima, in the 2011 political contest. Yarima's political camp eventually prevailed.
ABDUL'AZIZ ABUBAKAR YARI (2011–2019): INFRASTRUCTURE, POLITICAL CONTROL AND THE SECURITY CRISIS
Abdul'aziz Abubakar Yari became governor on 29 May 2011 and completed two constitutional terms, leaving office on 29 May 2019. His emergence was preceded by one of the most fascinating political realignments in Zamfara's history.
When Shinkafi moved from ANPP to PDP, he reportedly moved with many commissioners, local government chairmen and elected representatives. Yarima was left with a significantly smaller political structure. Among those who remained in his political camp were Hon. Abdul'aziz Yari Abubakar and Hon. Bello Mohammed Matawalle.
Having participated in the political developments of that period, I remember the circumstances surrounding Yari's emergence as the governorship candidate of the then ANPP. One important part of that political history was the role attributed to Bello Matawalle, who reportedly recommended Yari to Yarima. That recommendation would later become significant because the relationship between Yarima and Matawalle eventually deteriorated, contributing to Matawalle's departure from the party and his subsequent political rise.
THE YARI ADMINISTRATION
When Yari defeated Shinkafi, expectations were extremely high. Many people expected a return to the Yarima era of direct social welfare. Instead, Yari pursued a substantially different development model. His administration placed considerable emphasis on physical infrastructure, particularly roads and public projects.
The state also benefited from major federal financial interventions, including Paris Club-related refunds and other funds. Yari's government completed or continued some projects inherited from the previous administration. His administration also sought to reduce the direct involvement of traditional rulers and civil servants in partisan politics.
THE SECURITY DISASTER
The greatest criticism associated with the Yari years, however, concerns security. During his tenure, Zamfara experienced a severe escalation in banditry, cattle rustling, kidnapping and mass violence. Communities were attacked, farmers were displaced and lives were lost. The rural economy was badly affected.
Senator Saidu Dansadau was among the prominent figures who publicly demanded stronger federal intervention and advocated extraordinary measures to address the security situation. The security crisis became so severe that it overshadowed many of the administration's other achievements.
EDUCATION
Education also became a major political issue. Critics of the administration pointed to poor performance in national examinations and difficulties faced by students who could not proceed to tertiary institutions because of unpaid examination fees. For a state with a very young population, this was particularly damaging.
The debate was not simply about examination results. It was about whether Zamfara was building the human capital required to escape poverty and underdevelopment.
THE POLITICAL END OF YARI
Yari's second term was also dominated by succession politics. His effort to influence the choice of his successor generated opposition among major political stakeholders. The conflict involved several prominent figures, including his deputy and other influential politicians. The resulting internal crisis weakened the ruling party.
The legal battle surrounding the 2019 election eventually transformed the political balance in the state. The Supreme Court's decision concerning the APC's electoral candidature in Zamfara paved the way for Bello Mohammed Matawalle to assume office. It was one of the most dramatic political reversals in Zamfara's history.
BELLO MOHAMMED MATAWALLE (2019–2023): POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY, INSECURITY AND YOUTH MOBILISATION
Bello Mohammed Matawalle became governor on 29 May 2019 and served until 29 May 2023. His emergence was extraordinary. He came to power following the judicial consequences of the 2019 electoral crisis. He also inherited Zamfara at a time when insecurity had reached an alarming level. The economy was weak, poverty was widespread and communities were under enormous pressure.
THE BANDITRY QUESTION
At the beginning of his administration, Matawalle attempted to address insecurity through dialogue and peace agreements with armed groups. For a period, the approach appeared to create relative calm in some areas. However, the peace initiatives did not produce a lasting settlement. The security crisis subsequently intensified.
The government's critics argued that negotiations had failed to provide a durable solution, while supporters maintained that dialogue was an attempt to save lives and create an opening for peace. The ultimate outcome was that insecurity remained one of the defining problems of his administration.
YOUTH POLITICS
One area in which Matawalle's administration stood out was youth mobilisation. He appointed many young people into political positions. His young supporters were particularly active on social media, creating a new dimension in Zamfara's political communication. The administration therefore contributed to the emergence of a younger generation of political actors.
However, critics argued that the government became too politically focused. Matawalle's defection from PDP to APC also generated intense debate. Critics linked the decision to his political calculations, while supporters regarded it as a strategic realignment. Whatever the motivation, the move significantly changed Zamfara's political landscape.
THE 2023 ELECTION
By the 2023 election, dissatisfaction had grown among sections of the electorate. Critics cited insecurity, economic hardship, inadequate development in several sectors and what they considered a lack of coherent long-term planning. Education and agriculture were among the areas where critics demanded greater attention. Matawalle subsequently lost the governorship to Dauda Lawal Dare.
DAUDA LAWAL DARE (2023–PRESENT): THE RESCUE MISSION AND THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY
Dauda Lawal Dare assumed office on 29 May 2023 after defeating the incumbent, Bello Matawalle, in the 2023 governorship election. The Zamfara State Government identifies Lawal as the state's current governor, while contemporary reporting records his inauguration on 29 May 2023.
His emergence represented another major political change. He came to power amid widespread dissatisfaction with the previous administration and a strong demand for political change. His supporters presented the election as a mandate for a new beginning.
Lawal himself said he inherited a financially difficult situation, describing the resources available to his administration at the beginning as severely constrained. This contributed to the popular expression "bugebuge", reflecting the administration's struggle to mobilise resources for government operations and payment salaries.
But the increase in federal allocations following the removal of the petrol subsidy subsequently provided additional fiscal space for states.
INFRASTRUCTURE AND THE FACE OF GUSAU
One of the most visible features of the Lawal administration has been physical development. Gusau, the state capital, has undergone significant road construction, rehabilitation and other capital projects. His administration has also undertaken projects involving public institutions. The government has described these interventions as part of its wider Rescue Mission agenda.
Lawal's administration has also addressed outstanding pension and gratuity obligations and examination-related debts. His government has highlighted interventions in education, security and other sectors across the state's 14 Local Government Areas. The state's current development agenda identifies security, agriculture and food security, education, healthcare, economy and empowerment as major priorities.
THE GUSAU CONCENTRATION QUESTION
However, the administration has not escaped criticism. One major criticism from opponents is that too much of the visible development has been concentrated in Gusau, the state capital and the governor's home area.
Critics argue that other parts of the state deserve a more equitable distribution of major capital projects.
There have also been political allegations concerning the distribution of appointments and contracts.
POLITICAL REALIGNMENT
Another major development has been Lawal's movement from the PDP to the APC. The move generated considerable debate because he was elected governor on the PDP platform.
Supporters have defended the decision as a strategic political realignment, while critics have connected it to the wider 2027 political calculations. Whatever interpretation one adopts, the move has significantly changed the political configuration of Zamfara.
SECURITY: THE UNFINISHED BATTLE
Despite the physical development associated with the Lawal administration, security remains its most serious challenge. Many citizens voted for change partly because of expectations that a new administration would substantially reduce banditry, kidnapping and rural insecurity. The persistence of the crisis means that the security question remains unresolved.
THIRTY YEARS OF ZAMFARA: WHAT HAVE WE REALLY ACHIEVED?
Thirty years is long enough to assess a state beyond political slogans. Zamfara has undoubtedly achieved considerable progress. From a newly created state struggling to establish ministries and basic government structures, it has developed into a state with its own institutions, tertiary institutions, hospitals, roads, government infrastructure, an airport and an increasingly sophisticated political class.
There has also been a major expansion in education. Thousands of Zamfarans who might otherwise have remained outside the formal education system have become graduates, professionals, entrepreneurs, civil servants, politicians and academics.
The state has produced people who have risen to prominent positions nationally and internationally. Politically, Zamfara has produced governors, senators, ministers, senior military officers, diplomats, academics, business leaders and other prominent Nigerians. In that sense, the dream of state creation has produced tangible results. But the question remains:
HAVE WE ACHIEVED WHAT WE SHOULD HAVE ACHIEVED?
That is where the difficult part begins.
Zamfara has received enormous public resources over three decades through statutory allocations, interventions, internally generated revenue, loans and other sources.
The critical question is therefore not simply how much money has entered Zamfara.The real question is:
HOW MUCH OF THAT MONEY HAS BEEN TRANSFORMED INTO HUMAN CAPITAL, SECURITY, INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT, AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIVITY, QUALITY EDUCATION, HEALTHCARE, EMPLOYMENT AND SUSTAINABLE INFRASTRUCTURE?
~ Salis Muhammad Moriki
